In 2025, at least 238 people were killed in drug-war related incidents across the Philippines between January and November alone, according to monitoring by the group Dahas. That figure brings the total number of deaths under the current administration’s anti-drug campaign to over 1,000 since President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. took office in July 2022. These numbers represent a continuation of a pattern that predates the current administration, but they also raise a persistent question: why has accountability remained so elusive, and what does the broader human rights landscape look like today?
These figures are not just abstract statistics. For every person killed, there is a family that has sought answers through a domestic justice system that has produced remarkably few results. The persistence of these killings, alongside other forms of state-linked repression, forms the core of what human rights organizations describe as a deeply entrenched culture of impunity. To understand the full picture, it helps to look at the specific mechanisms at play — from red-tagging to the weaponization of anti-terror laws — and how they affect activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens. For more context on how environmental defenders face similar threats, you can read about mining’s toll on Philippine communities.
Key patterns of repression under the current administration
The patterns described above are not isolated incidents but part of a broader system. The government has maintained the National Task Force on Ending the Local Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), an agency often responsible for red-tagging, despite calls from UN rights experts to disband it. In September 2025, the Department of Interior and Local Government even proposed a 340 percent increase in the agency’s budget for 2026. This suggests that rather than moving away from these practices, the administration is doubling down.
The human cost of impunity: killings, disappearances, and a broken justice system
The human rights situation in the Philippines is not just about numbers — it is about specific people and communities whose lives have been upended. On June 23, 2025, a hooded gunman shot dead Ali Macalintal, a transgender rights activist and radio commentator, on the southern island of Mindanao. He was one of at least four journalists killed in 2025, according to Amnesty International. The same report noted that community journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio has been in pretrial detention for over five years on disputed terrorism financing and illegal firearms charges, despite a murder case against her being dismissed in November 2025.
Enforced disappearances also remain a grim reality. On March 2, 2025, Indigenous leader Genasque Enriquez was reportedly arrested in Surigao del Sur; his whereabouts remain unknown. Days later, another Indigenous activist, Michelle Campos, went missing in Agusan del Sur before surfacing in a hospital where she was effectively detained under military guard. The Philippines is not a party to the UN Convention Against Enforced Disappearance, and while Congress passed a domestic law against the practice in 2012, the government has not enforced it or allocated funds for its implementation.
The contrast between international and domestic accountability is stark. Former President Rodrigo Duterte was arrested in Manila on March 11, 2025, and transferred to The Hague to face charges of crimes against humanity for extrajudicial killings committed from November 2011 to June 2016. Yet at home, the system has produced almost no results. This gap between international justice and local impunity is a central feature of the current landscape. For a related look at how environmental violations also face weak enforcement, see the article on toxic spills polluting Filipino rivers.
What gets missed: the weaponization of terrorism financing and the grey list story
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| Year | Event | Impact |
|---|---|---|
| 2020 | Anti-Terrorism Act passed | Broadened powers to designate “terrorists” and freeze assets |
| 2021 | FATF places PH on grey list | Increased monitoring for insufficient anti-terror financing measures |
| 2021–2025 | Surge in terrorism financing cases vs activists | Charges filed against civil society groups despite FATF guidance |
| Feb 2025 | FATF removes PH from grey list | New cases against activists continued even after delisting |
One of the most underreported dynamics is how the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020 has been used to target civil society. Although the Philippines had a law on terrorism financing since 2012, no one had been convicted of the offense until the global Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed the country on its “grey list” in 2021. That action coincided with a spurt of new terrorism financing cases against activists and organizations — despite specific FATF guidance aimed at preventing governments from targeting legitimate NGOs.
The grey list paradox
When FATF representatives visited the Philippines in January 2025, the task force removed the country from the grey list the following month. Yet even after delisting, authorities continued to file new terrorism financing charges. In April 2025, six activists in Luzon were charged. Courts have dismissed other cases for lack of evidence — in July, a prosecutor dropped charges against activist Myrna Zapanta for lack of credible evidence. The pattern suggests that the law is being used less for genuine counter-terrorism and more as a tool of harassment.
Red-tagging despite a Supreme Court ruling
In 2024, the Supreme Court ruled that red-tagging is a threat to the “right to life, liberty, and security.” Yet in February 2025, the Philippine army released a video red-tagging members of the Cordillera People’s Alliance, an Indigenous rights network. Relatives of victims killed on “Bloody Sunday” in March 2021 — when security forces killed nine activists during raids — reported that government officials pressured them to stop seeking accountability. The gap between judicial rulings and on-the-ground practice remains wide.
What can be done: understanding your rights and avenues for recourse
For activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens, knowing what protections exist — and how to use them — is critical. While the system is deeply flawed, there are still legal and procedural avenues worth understanding.
Filing a complaint for enforced disappearance
Although the 2012 law against enforced disappearances has not been implemented, families can still file a petition for a writ of habeas corpus or a writ of amparo with the Supreme Court. In 2025, the Court granted temporary protection to the wife of James Jazmines, a forcibly disappeared activist, and directed senior security officials to disclose information about his whereabouts. The process involves filing a verified petition with the court, which can then order authorities to produce the missing person or explain their detention. Legal assistance is available through groups like the Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG) and the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL).
Challenging terrorism financing charges
If you or someone you know is charged under the Anti-Terrorism Act, the first step is to secure legal counsel immediately. Courts have shown a willingness to dismiss cases for lack of evidence — as happened with Myrna Zapanta in July 2025. The defense typically focuses on the absence of credible evidence linking the accused to any actual terrorist activity. It is also worth noting that the Anti-Terrorism Council, which designates individuals and groups as terrorists, can be challenged through a petition for review with the Court of Appeals.
Documenting and reporting red-tagging
Red-tagging often begins with public statements or social media posts by military or police officials. Victims should document everything — screenshots, dates, and the names of officials involved. Complaints can be filed with the Commission on Human Rights (CHR), which can investigate and issue recommendations. While the CHR has limited enforcement power, a formal complaint creates a paper trail that can be used in subsequent legal action. For a broader look at how communities resist environmental threats, see the piece on Metro Manila’s Firefly Brigade promoting cycling.
What to watch for in the coming months
The preliminary hearing for former President Duterte at the ICC, originally scheduled for September 2025, was postponed. When it proceeds, it will test whether international justice can achieve what domestic courts have not. Meanwhile, the proposed 340 percent budget increase for the NTF-ELCAC suggests that red-tagging and related practices are unlikely to fade. Monitoring groups like Dahas and human rights organizations will continue to track killings and disappearances, but the burden of documentation often falls on local communities.
Frequently asked questions
What is the difference between the ICC case and domestic prosecutions? â–ľ
Can the Anti-Terrorism Act be challenged in court? â–ľ
What should I do if a family member is forcibly disappeared? â–ľ
Is red-tagging illegal? â–ľ
How many journalists have been killed in 2025? â–ľ
Closing thoughts
The patterns described here — extrajudicial killings, red-tagging, enforced disappearances, and the weaponization of anti-terror laws — are not new, but they have persisted and in some ways intensified under the current administration. The arrest of former President Duterte by the ICC marks a historic moment, but it also highlights how little has changed on the ground for activists, journalists, and marginalized communities. The most practical step for anyone concerned about these issues is to stay informed, document abuses, and support organizations that provide legal aid and monitoring. If this was useful, you might also want to read an overview of environmental challenges in the Philippines.
Sources
Battery waste and its impact on Filipino communities — A closer look at how environmental hazards intersect with human rights issues in local communities.
Philippines: Events of 2025. Human Rights Watch, 2026.
State of human rights in the Philippines still marred by impunity, unlawful killings. BusinessWorld, April 2026.
